JACOB JACOB:A Spiritual Love Affair With India
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Subscribe to our daily newsletter updates:. At first they argued that no charges had been laid and therefore they could not investigate, although the SACP had held a well-covered press conference within an hour of the event. When formal charges were laid through our lawyers, the SAP said that the number-plate of the car was false and so any follow-up was impossible see New Nation, No attempt was made to question witnesses or even Hani himself.
He was a notorious security policeman, and confessed to a lengthy and brutal career as an agent. Dlongwana, of course, was never charged for making these statements, nor was the SATV ever reprimanded for allowing Dlongwana, in this pre-recorded inter-view, air-time to make such threats. What if the July assassination attempt had been successful? Would the SAP have failed to produce a killer as in the case of David Webster's assassination, and numerous others? Or, would they have conducted a seemingly professional investigation, finding that it was "just a former ANC member with a personal grudge"?
The moving spirit behind the disinformation document, according to The Weekly Mail "Army of the night: Dreamed up?
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Kriel's document came back to haunt him in parliament some nine days after Hani's assassination. In the face of national and international outrage, the De Klerk government was keeping a very low profile, hoping everyone would for-get their own intense character assassination campaign in the preceding months and weeks. But not everyone had for-gotten. Pienaar, obviously referring to a confidential security briefing he had received, presumably from De Klerk's securocrats, wanted to know why the government was not telling the public about Hanes South African People's Party "formed in a neighbouring territory Why did the government not tell South Africa what Chris Hani was busy with in the last few months?
In the months before the assassination, various versions of this story were floated. Rapport, often in the foreground of these campaigns, carried a story on October 12 last year that the SACP, and in particular Chris Hani, were planning to take over MK, and a future South African army. Then, on the Sunday before Hanes assassination,Rapportagain tried to blow life into this disinformation campaign.
It claimed that Hani and senior MK leaders had held unmandated meetings with APLA members "aimed at securing mutual co-operation so as to derail the negotiations process" Rapport, 4.
Some of the meetings were alleged to have happened in the Transkei. SAP spokesperson, Captain Craig Kotze another cog in the Hani character assassination machine added the next day that "the government could confirm such meetings had taken place and also had information that dissident MK members had joined APLA" The Citizen, 5. This disinformation continued to be spread in the days before Hani's assassination, despite his outright denials and despite his outspoken criticism of PAC and APLA for their failure to unambivalently condemn anti-white terrorism.
Against the background of the murder of whites in the Border region and at Eikenhof, and against a regime-inspired hate campaign against the Transkei and APLA, everything was being done tolink Hani, in some way, to anti-white terrrorism. When a white right-wing extremist was arrested shortly after Hani's slaying, a motive had already been well established by months of systematic disinformation.
It was a disinformation campaign that had reached a peak, wit-tingly or unwittingly, in the very week before the killing. If Waluz and the Derby-Lewises are clearly part of an extreme right wing, those who had waged the campaign of character assassination against Haniwere something else again.
Besides the "third force" in its various guises, there is a powerful first force with its headquarters in De Klerk's security establishment.
What these five files five presumably from among thousands whose contents remain unknown showed was that the notorious ex-CCB agent, Ferdi Barnard, had been employed by MI until December , despite official denials to the contrary. Barnard, a convicted double murderer, was employed by MI to discredit MK. The manner of discrediting, according to the Goldstone Commission, was to be by "linking it to criminal acts and crime syndicates by using a members oldie I? For instance, on Friday March 26th, fourteen days before Hani's assassination, Solomon Mqanqeni and two others appeared in the Rand Supreme Court, charged with murder and bank robbery.
In a written statement, which Mqanqeni claimed had been extracted from him under duress, he alleged that the murder weapons were distributed to the group by Chris Hani and a "Tokyo" an obvious reference to ANC PWV chairperson, Tokyo Sexwale. The statement further alleged that a portion of the loot from the bank robbery had been given to "Tokyo" in Shell House the ANC headquarters. On the very evening of this statement being presented in court, and admitted as evidence, Mqanqeni and his accomplices mysteriously escaped from Diepkloof Prison.
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According to prison authorities, they drove out of the prison in the prison truck which had just brought them back from court. They apparently and incredibly drove out through a wide open front gate. Two days later, after the convenient court appearance and the alleged escape, Minister of Law and Order, Hernus Kriel went on the rampage against MK in parliament. He accused MK of being "nothing but criminals". And referring to the negotiations demand for multi-party joint control over all armed formations, Kriel said: "We are not interested in joint control over criminals The Mqanqeni affair, with its sequel in parliament three days later, had all the hall-marks of a stage-managed operation.
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